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Battle of Bannockburn
|combatant2= | commander1 = Robert the Bruce | commander2 = Edward II | strength1 = 5,000 -10,000 | strength2 = 13,700 -25,000Grant, R.G. (2008), Battle: A visual journey through 5,000 years of combat, DK Publishing,p.118. | casualties1 = 400Sadler, John, Scottish Battles, (Biddles Ltd., 1998), 52–54. – 4,000Grant, 118. | casualties2 = 700 cavalry 4,000Sadler, 52. – 11,000 infantryReese, p.174 }} The Battle of Bannockburn (Blàr Allt a' Bhonnaich in Scottish Gaelic) (24 June 1314) was a significant Scottish victory in the Wars of Scottish Independence. It was one of the most decisive battles of the First War of Scottish Independence, and remains one of the iconic cornerstones in the history of Scotland. Prelude Around Lent of 1314, Edward Bruce, brother of the Scottish King, began the siege of Stirling Castle, which was commanded by Sir Philip Mowbray. Unable to make any headway, Bruce agreed to a pact with Mowbray—if no relief came by midsummer 1314, the castle would surrender to Bruce. It was now two years since an English army had come to Scotland, and King Edward II of England had recently been on the verge of war with his barons after the murder of Piers Gaveston in the summer of 1312. Stirling was of vital strategic importance and its loss would be a serious embarrassment to the English. The time allowed in the Bruce-Mowbray pact was ample for Edward to gather a powerful army. According to the historian and poet John Barbour, King Robert Bruce rebuked the folly of his brother, even though Dundee had probably fallen to the Scots through a similar arrangement in 1312. Mowbray had a breathing space and looked forward to the summer of 1314. In England, Edward and his barons reached an uneasy peace and made ready. Edward comes north Edward came to Scotland in the high summer of 1314 with the preliminary aim of relieving Stirling Castle: the real purpose, of course, was to find and destroy the Scottish army in the field, and thus end the war. England, for once, was largely united in this ambition, although some of Edward's greatest magnates and former enemies, headed by his cousin, Thomas of Lancaster, did not attend in person, sending the minimum number of troops they were required to by feudal law. Even so, the force that left Berwick-upon-Tweed on 17 June 1314 was impressive: it comprised between 2,000–3,000 horse and 16,000 foot. The precise size relative to the Scottish forces is unclear but estimates range from as much as at least two or three times the size of the army Bruce had been able to gather, to as little as only 50% larger.Watson, F., "In Our Time: The Battle of Bannockburn",Publisher: BBC Radio, 3 February 2011 Edward was accompanied by many of the seasoned campaigners of the Scottish wars, headed by Aymer de Valence, 2nd Earl of Pembroke, and veterans like Henry de Beaumont and Robert de Clifford, 1st Baron de Clifford. The most irreconcilable of Bruce's Scottish enemies also came: Ingram de Umfraville, a former Guardian of Scotland, and his kinsman the Earl of Angus, as well as others of the MacDougalls, MacCanns and Sir John Comyn of Badenoch, the only son of the Red Comyn, who was born and raised in England and was now returning to Scotland to avenge his father's killing by Bruce at Greyfriars Kirk in Dumfries in 1306. This was a grand feudal army, one of the last of its kind to leave England in the Middle Ages. King Robert awaited its arrival south of Stirling near the Bannock Burn in Scotland. Preparations The English army marched rapidly to reach Stirling before Mowbray's agreement expired on 24 June. Edinburgh was reached on 19 June and by 22 June, it was at Falkirk, only 15 miles short of its objective. Edward's host followed the line of the old Roman road, which ran through an ancient forest known as the Tor Wood, over the Bannockburn and into the New Park, a hunting preserve enclosed at the time of Alexander III. From the middle of May, Bruce's army had been assembling in the Tor Wood, an area providing good natural cover. On Saturday, 22 June, with his troops now organised into their respective commands, Bruce moved his army slightly to the north to the New Park, a more heavily wooded area, where his movements could be concealed and which, if the occasion demanded, could provide cover for a withdrawal. Bruce's army, like William Wallace's before him, was chiefly composed of infantry armed with long spears. It was divided into three main (infantry) formations, a force of light cavalry, and the camp followers (who took part at the end of the battle). Thomas Randolph, 1st Earl of Moray, commanded the vanguard, which was stationed about a mile to the south of Stirling, near the church of St. Ninian, while the king commanded the rearguard at the entrance to the New Park. His brother, Edward, led the third division. According to Barbour, there was a fourth nominally under the youthful Walter the Steward, but actually under the command of Sir James Douglas.Nicholson, Later Middle Ages pp.87–89 The army might have numbered as many as 9,000 men in all, but probably more of the order of 6,000–7,000. It was gathered from the whole of Scotland: knights and nobles, freemen and tenants, town dwellers and traders: men who could afford the arms and armour required. Barbour tells that King Robert turned away those who were not adequately equipped. For most, such equipment would consist of a spear, a helmet, a thick padded jacket down to the knees and armoured gloves.cf. Statutes of the Parliament of December 1318 (1318/29)"Each was furnished with light armour, not easily penetrable by a sword. They had axes at their sides and carried lances in their hands".Vita Edwardii II It is highly probable that a large proportion of the spearmen had acquired more extensive armour given that the country had been at war for nearly twenty years. The balance of the army consisted of archers and men-at-arms. The Scottish archers used yew-stave longbows and it is not to be thought that they had weaker or inferior bows but rather had inferior numbers.See Consisting of possibly only 500 archers (although there is no documentary evidence as to their numbers), they played little part in the battle.The Chronicle of Lanercost says that on the second day of the battle, "the English archers were thrown forward before the line, and the Scottish archers engaged them, a few being killed and wounded on either side ; but the King of England's archers quickly put the others to flight." The Chronicle of Lanercost, 1272–1346 : Translated, with notes by Sir Herbert Maxwell. p.206 There is first hand evidence from the captured Carmelite friar, Robert Baston in his poem, written just after the battle, that one or both sides employed slingers and crossbowmen.Walter Bower, Scotichronicon,''Book XII, p. 371 Each of these troop types was indistinguishable from their counterparts in France or England. Many of the Scottish men-at-arms (recruited from the nobility and the more prosperous burgesses) served on foot at Bannockburn. Since his landing at Ayrshire in 1307, King Robert had demonstrated time and time again that he was willing to take risks, but these were always measured and calculated. He had no intention of chancing all on the outcome of a day, as had William Wallace at the Battle of Falkirk. Almost to the last minute, he was prepared to withdraw. The Chronicle of Lanercost seems to confirm that the English also believed he would seek to retreat as it states that " . . . the king’s Edward's advanced guard, commanded by Lord de Clifford, began to make a circuit of the wood to prevent the Scots escaping by flight". King Robert was persuaded to remain by news of the poor state of morale in the English army. But undoubtedly the most important factor in persuading him to make a stand was the ground before him. The Bannock Burn (or stream), which the English army had to cross on the way to Stirling, and its sister streams flowed over the Carse of Stirling. A carse is an area which is wet in winter, but hard in summer, and most of it was used for growing wheat, oats, and barley. With the trees of the New Park covering Bruce's army to the west, the only approach apart from the Pows to the east was directly over the old road from Falkirk. If this route, virtually the only solid ground on which heavy cavalry could be effectively deployed, were to be denied to the English, they would have no choice but to wheel right to the north-east, on to the Carse. To force Edward to take this route, Bruce adopted tactics similar to those he had used at the Battle of Loudon Hill: both sides of the road were peppered with small pits or 'pots', each three feet deep and covered with brush, which would force the enemy to bunch towards the centre of a dangerously constricted front. Once on the Carse, the English army would be caught in a kind of natural vise, as the main action on 24 June showed, with waterways to the north, east, and south. Such natural advantages were not easily obtained, and were unlikely to occur again. There is some confusion over the exact site of the Battle of Bannockburn, although most modern historians agree that the traditional site, where a visitor centre and statue have been erected, is not the correct one.Mackenzie, W. M , ''The Battle of Bannockburn: a Study in Mediaeval Warfare, Publisher: James MacLehose; Glasgow, 1913 Although a large number of possible alternatives have been proposed, most can be dismissed and two serious contenders can be considered:Barrow, Geoffrey W.S., Robert Bruce & The Community of The Realm of Scotland, 1988, ISBN 0-85224-604-8 * the area of peaty ground known as the Dryfield outside the village of Balquhiderock, about three-quarters of a mile to the east of the traditional site,Barron, E.M., The Scottish War of Independence: a Critical Study, 1934 and * the Carse of Balquhiderock, about a mile and a half north-east of the traditional site, accepted by the National Trust as the most likely candidate.Christison, Philip, Bannockburn: the story of the battle, 1960, Edinburgh: The National Trust for Scotland First day of battle It was on the old road that the preliminary actions of the Battle of Bannockburn took place on Sunday, 23 June. For the English, things started to go wrong before the first blow had been struck. Sir Philip Mowbray, the commander of Stirling Castle, who had observed Bruce's preparations on the road, appeared in Edward's camp early in the morning, and warned of the dangers of approaching the Scots directly through the New Park. Mowbray also pointed out that there was no need to force a battle, as Edward was now close enough to the castle to constitute a technical relief in terms of the agreement with Edward Bruce. But even if the king was disposed to act on Mowbray's advice, it was already too late; for he was showing signs of losing control of his formidable but unwieldy host. The vanguard under the earls of Gloucester and Hereford, appointed to joint command by Edward after a quarrel about who would take the lead – a compromise that satisfied no one – were already closing in on the Scots from the south, advancing in the same reckless manner that had almost brought disaster at Falkirk. Following the line of the Roman road, they crossed the ford over the Bannockburn towards King Robert's division at the opening of the New Park. There now occurred one of the most memorable episodes in Scottish history. Henry de Bohun, nephew of the Earl of Hereford, was riding ahead of his companions when he caught sight of the Scottish king riding at some distance away from his troops. De Bohun, no doubt hoping to win the day and personal glory by promptly dispatching Bruce, lowered his lance and launched a fatal charge. King Robert, mounted on a small palfrey, was unarmoured and carrying only a battle-axe.Hyland, Ann. The Warhorse 1250–1600, UK: Sutton Publishing, 1998, p 38 As de Bohun's great war-horse thundered towards him, Bruce stood his ground, all the while watched with mounting anxiety by his own army. With the Englishman only feet away, Bruce turned his mount aside, avoided the lance, stood in his stirrups and smote the oncoming knight so hard and accurately with his axe that he split his adversary's helmet and head asunder, killing him instantly. This remarkable encounter became in a real sense a symbol of the imminent battle and of the war itself: the one side larger and heavily armed but lacking agility; the other highly mobile and employing opportunistic tactics. Rebuked by his commanders for the enormous risk he had taken, the king only expressed regret that he had broken the shaft of his axe. Cheered by this heroic encounter, Bruce's division rushed forward to engage the main enemy force. For the English, so says the author of the Vita Edwardi Secundi (Life of Edward II), this was the beginning of their troubles. After some fierce fighting, in which the Earl of Gloucester was knocked off his horse, the knights of the vanguard were forced to retreat to the Tor Wood. The Scots, eager to pursue, were held back by the command of the king. In the meantime, another English cavalry force under Robert Clifford and Henry de Beaumont skirted the Scottish position to the east and rode towards Stirling, advancing as far as St. Ninians. Bruce spotted the manoeuvre and ordered Randolph's schiltron to intercept. Randolph's action was a foretaste of the main contest the following day: unsupported by archers, the horsemen were unable to make any impression on the Scots spearmen, precisely what had happened in the opening stages of Falkirk. The difference now was that the schiltrons had learnt mobility and how to keep formation at the same time. The English squadron was broken, some seeking refuge in the nearby castle, others fleeing back to the army. The captives included Sir Thomas Grey, whose son and namesake later based his account of the Battle of Bannockburn in his book, the Scalacronica, on his father's memories. Second day of battle The English army was still approaching Stirling from the south. Bruce's preparations had made the direct approach to Stirling too hazardous. Edward made the worst decision of all: he ordered the army to cross the Bannockburn to the east of the New Park. Not long after daybreak on 24 June, the Scots spearmen began to move towards the English. Edward was surprised to see Robert's army emerge from the cover of the woods. As Bruce's army drew nearer, they paused and knelt in prayer. Edward is supposed to have said in surprise "They pray for mercy!" "For mercy, yes," one of his attendants replied, "But from God, not you. These men will conquer or die."Ronald McNair Scott (1988). Robert the Bruce, King of Scots. Canongate:p. 158 One of the English earls, Gloucester, asked the king to hurry up, but the king accused him of cowardice. Angered, the earl mounted his horse and led the vanguard on a charge against the leading Scots spearmen, commanded by Edward Bruce. Gloucester, who according to some accounts had not bothered to don his surcoat, was killed in the forest of Scottish spears, along with some of the other knights. The very size and strength of the great army was beginning to work against the English king, as his army could not move quickly and lost a lot of time in getting into position. Bruce then committed his whole Scots army to an inexorable bloody push into the disorganised English mass, fighting side by side across a single front. Edward's army was now so tightly packed that if a man fell, he risked being immediately crushed underfoot or suffocated and the English and Welsh longbowmen failed to get a clear shot in fear they might hit their own men. After some time they moved to the side of Douglas's division and began shooting into its left, but Robert the Bruce had anticipated this, and upon his command the Scottish 500-horse light cavalry under the Marischal Sir Robert Keith dispersed them. The returning fleeing archers then caused the infantry itself to begin to flee.Ronald McNair Scott: Robert the Bruce, King of Scots, Canongate 1996, p 159, ISBN 0-86241-616-7 Later the knights began to escape back across the Bannockburn. With the English formations beginning to break, a great shout went up from the Scots, "Lay on! Lay on! Lay on! They fail!" This cry was heard by Bruce's camp followers, who promptly gathered weapons and banners and charged forward. To the English army, close to exhaustion, this appeared to be a fresh reserve and they lost all hope. The English forces north of the Bannockburn broke into flight. Some tried to cross the River Forth where most drowned in the attempt.Reese, p. 167 Others tried to get back across the Bannockburn, but as they ran, “tumbling one over the other” down the steep, slippery banks, a deadly crush ensued so that “men could pass dryshod upon the drowned bodies”.Reese, p.167 Retreat Edward fled with his personal bodyguard, ending the remaining order in the army; panic spread and defeat turned into a rout. He arrived eventually at Dunbar Castle, from here he took ship to England. From the carnage of Bannockburn, the rest of the army tried to escape to the safety of the English border, ninety miles to the south. Many were killed by the pursuing Scottish army or by the inhabitants of the countryside that they passed through. Historian Peter Reese says that, "only one sizeable group of men—all footsoldiers—made good their escape to England."Reese, p.174 These were a force of Welsh spearmen who were kept together by their commander, Sir Maurice de Berkeley, and the majority of them reached Carlisle.Reese, p.174 Weighing up the available evidence, Reese concludes that "it seems doubtful if even a third of the footsoldiers returned to England." Out of 16,000 infantrymen, this would give a total of about 11,000 killed. The English chronicler Thomas Walsingham gave the number of English men-at-arms who were killed as 700,Mackenzie, p.88 referencing Walsingham, p.141 while 500 more men-at-arms were spared for ransom.Mackenzie, p.90 The Scottish losses appear to have been comparatively light, with only two knights among those killed.Reese, p.176 Notable casualties Historical significance The Scottish victory was complete and, although full English recognition of Scottish independence was not achieved until more than ten years later, Robert Bruce's position as king was greatly strengthened by the outcome. However, the fighting resumed in the 1330s during the early reign of King Edward III, with significant English victories at the Battle of Dupplin Moor and the Battle of Halidon Hill. Legacy The battlefield In 1932 the Bannockburn Preservation Committee, under Edward Bruce, 10th Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, presented lands to the National Trust for Scotland. Further lands were purchased in 1960 and 1965 to facilitate visitor access. A modern monument stands in a field above the battle site, where the warring parties are believed to have camped on the night before the battle. The monument consists of two hemicircular walls depicting the opposing parties. Nearby stands the 1960s statue of Bruce by Pilkington Jackson. The monument, and the associated visitor centre, is one of the most popular tourist attractions in the area. The battlefield has been included in the Inventory of Historic Battlefields in Scotland and protected by Historic Scotland under the Historic Environment (Amendment) Act 2011. Bannockburn Heritage Centre The National Trust for Scotland operates the Bannockburn Heritage Centre, which is open daily from March through October. On 31 October 2012 the building was closed for demolition and replacement by a new design, inspired by traditional Scottish buildings, by Reiach and Hall Architects. The project is a partnership between the National Trust for Scotland and Historic Scotland, funded by the Scottish Government and the Heritage Lottery Fund. Arts "Scots Wha Hae" is the title of a patriotic poem by Robert Burns.The Complete Works of Robert Burns at Project Gutenberg. The chorus of Scotland's unofficial national anthem Flower of Scotland refers to Scotland's victory over Edward and the English at Bannockburn. Notes References Primary * Barbour, John, The Bruce, trans. A. A. M. Duncan, 1964. * Bower, Walter, Scotichronicon, ed. D. E. R. Watt, 1987–1993. * Gray, Thomas, Scalicronica, edited and translated by H Maxwell, 1913. * The Lanercost Chronicle, edited and translated by H. Maxwell, 1913. * Vita Edwardi Secundi (Life of Edward the Second), ed. N. D. Young, 1957. * Walsingham, Thomas, Historiana Anglicana. Secondary * Barrow, G. W. S., Robert Bruce and the Community of the Realm of Scotland, 1988,ISBN 0-85224-604-8 * Brown, C.A., "Bannockburn 1314",History Press,Stroud, 2008, ISBN 978-0-7524-4600-4. * Nicholson, R., Scotland-the Later Middle Ages, 1974. * Prestwich, M., The Three Edwards: War and State in England, 1272–1377, 1980 * Ramsay, J. H., The Genesis of Lancaster, 1307–99, 1913. * Brown, C.A., Robert the Bruce. A life Chronicled. * MacNamee, C., The Wars of the Bruces * Brown, M., Wars of Scotland * Reese, P., Bannockburn, Canongate, Edinburgh, 2003, ISBN 1-84195-465-9 * Mackenzie, W. M., Bannockburn: A Study in Medieval Warfare, The Strong Oak Press, Stevenage 1989 (first published 1913), ISBN 1-871048-03-6 * Armstrong, Pete (illustrated by Graham Turner), Bannockburn 1314: Robert Bruce's Great Victory, Osprey Publishing, 2002 ISBN 1-85532-609-4 * External links *Battle of Bannockburn animated battle map by Jonathan Webb *The Battle of Bannockburn 700th Anniversary Project Category:1314 in Scotland Category:Battles between England and Scotland Bannockburn, Battle of Category:National Trust for Scotland properties Category:Conflicts in 1314 Category:Museums in Stirling (council area) Category:Military and war museums in Scotland Category:History museums in Scotland Bannockburn